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These walls have already built unseen fences of hatred and will continue to exist in our midst as a malignant poison. Where we have built walls, we will have to build even higher and higher walls.

The checkpoints will not stop a determined attacker with a knife. He will find an opening to slip through. Conversely, the disruption of Palestinians’ freedom of movement will only heighten the sense of rage, giving rise to more terror attacks. It would be best for us to return to the only real solution: A Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital

Ir Amim report on neighborhoods beyond the Barrier: "Municipal services are virtually absent, and no one takes responsibility for law enforcement, safety or emergency services, overcrowding and poverty, and, perhaps the worst, totally unsupervised construction."

It is no accident that eight Palestinian neighborhoods of Jerusalem wound up beyond the separation barrier. Since annexing Jerusalem in 1967, Israel has manipulated migratory trends toward an unstated goal: absorbing the land without the people.

The neighborhoods of East Jerusalem left outside the Separation Barrier provide an extreme illustration of broader processes in East Jerusalem and Israel’s general attitude toward the Palestinian population of the city. Ir Amim’s report, Displaced in Their Own City: The Impact of Israeli Policy in East Jerusalem on the Palestinian Neighborhoods of the City beyond the Separation Barrier, offers a comprehensive review of the various aspects of Israeli policy in East Jerusalem that have resulted in the current situation. As the report explains, tens of thousands of Palestinian residents of Jerusalem have been disconnected from the city following the establishment of the Separation Barrier. They have also been near completely abandoned by the State and by the Municipality of Jerusalem.​

​The goal of this paper is to analyze the factors that will contribute to shaping a resolution on Jerusalem and to evaluate the relative feasibility of achieving a political solution to the conflict at this specific juncture in time. Using the Clinton Parameters as a base point, we outline actions taken on the ground since 2000 on three interdependent levels: within the Jerusalem Municipality (within the annexation line); within the Historic Basin surrounding the Old City and the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif; and within Greater Jerusalem. We look at the state of affairs in 2000, actions taken between 2000 and the end of 2014 and developments occurring within the most recent two-year period. 

This document presents the relative share invested by the Jerusalem Municipality in East Jerusalem, evidenced in the Municipality’s actual budget data for 2013. It finds that between 10.1% and 13.6% of the city budget has been invested in 37% of its residents.